Standing Strong or Equal Divide: Chicago Black Leadership

If you were fortunate to experience being raised in an era where televisions still had antennas, the neighborhood fire hydrant was the community waterpark, your corner store had an unlimited supply of Chico Sticks, dill pickles and Now and Laters – it was also a time of Black leadership and liberation. Don’t forgot scheduling Saturday mornings between listening to Operation PUSH on the radio and switching over to watch “Soul Train” on television with two iconic national leaders at the time in Black America-- Rev. Jesse Jackson, Sr. and Don Cornelius.

Why include Chico Sticks and Black leadership in the same sentence? The elation of going to the corner store to purchase a bag of penny candy and having strong Black leadership gave Black people similar highs. Children looked forward to splitting their 50 cents on the counter and patronizing Black owned corner stores -- that was priceless. And adults took pride in knowing that Black leaders were fearlessly taking on injustice and racial discrimination towards community. “Power to the People!”

In Chicago and across the nation, history was made on April 12, 1983 when U.S. Congressman Harold Washington won more than 50 percent of the vote to become the first Black mayor of the City of Chicago. No one moved around more effortlessly in Chicago political circles as Washington. As he said, “You want Harold? You got Harold!” Yes, and the Black community lost Harold a little after he was elected to his second term.

Many have been riding off of this high for the past 30 years as Black and Hispanic leaders have become more powerful, building individual factions and splitting the unified front that helped elect Harold Washington. Although there are disagreements among the leaders of these factions, it's sometimes considered “taboo” to discuss grievances so openly in public.

There was clearly a divide among Black leadership in April's Chicago mayoral runoff election. Those who openly supported Mayor Rahm Emanuel included Congressman Bobby L. Rush, State Representative Ken Dunkin, State Senator Mattie Hunter, Secretary of State Jesse White and Alderman Emma Mitts among some key voices.

Other Black leaders sided with Commissioner Jesus 'Chuy' Garcia, including Reverend Jesse Jackson, Sr., Congressman Danny K. Davis, former Cook County Board President Bobbi Steele, former Illinois State Senator Emil Jones, Sr., Commissioner Stanley Moore and State Representative Mary Flowers.

Congressman Davis reflects, “It's hard to decide and determine who Black leadership is anymore. There are some people that emerge as Black leadership when there is an election, if there is a tragedy or if there is a moment of disrespect. There are people that arise in all of those situations. I don't have an easy time separating who the Black leadership is."

During a time when Black leadership and action were felt from various leaders in business, education and the arts, Congressman Davis says it was a different type of movement in the Black community 40 years ago. He explains, “Everybody wasn't necessarily together, but a substantial number of people felt the same things in terms of what they wanted to accomplish – what they wanted to achieve.”

It was clear that the past election was heavily dependent on African-American voters because of the slim margin that could swing either way for Garcia or Emanuel. Garcia's ties go back to helping Washington secure Hispanic support in the Pilsen community. Steele met Garcia during this time when there was movement to elect the first Black mayor of Chicago. Although Steele supported Garcia in the runoff, some other Black leaders split with former allies, creating new alliances due to differing political viewpoints and/or disagreements with the current mayoral administration.

Steele explains, “I don't know if all new African-American public officials will take a stand, but some like State Senator Jackie Collins are taking a stand opposing state budget cuts. Sometimes, our leaders get into office and they want to be a part of the establishment instead of standing for the people that they really represent. I'm not calling any names, but I can see a lot of this right now. They will go with the flow instead of standing for what is right and best for our people.”

These bonds did not come to light until the mayoral runoff election when Garcia reached out to old colleagues requesting their support. On the flip side, other Black leaders supporting Mayor Emanuel also were part of the Washington era, including former Alderman Dorothy Tillman and Congressman Rush.

Congressman Rush is not a stranger to controversy. Publicly sharing his support for Mayor Emanuel was not about a split in Black leadership for him.

“My friends who were with other candidates are still my friends. I respect those who have led and who are leading now in our community. I am so inspired, encouraged and energized by the young leaders out there. Since the Civil Rights movement, we've been devoid of or have placed less focus on the need of indigenous community leadership. Up until recently, community organizers have become a thing of the 1960's. Now, it's re-emerging and remember when I was a young man, it was an opportunity for me to become a leader,” said Rush.

With the runoff election over, Chicagoans have moved on with accepting another four years of Emanuel; Black leaders have officially put their cards on the table. Where there was a ”hidden divide,” there is now an open and distinctive divide of opinions. Career community activists who were considered instigators and not motivators are gradually being elevated as future voices because they have mastered the art of grassroots engagement.

Operation PUSH, now Rainbow PUSH Coalition, under the guidance of Rev. Jesse Jackson, Sr. emerged in the mayoral runoff election, choosing to support Commissioner Garcia. Jackson's son, Jonathan Jackson, is the national spokesman for the organization and represents the next generation of leadership.

He explains, “The African-American community is not a monolithic community. Just like in Baltimore, you're going to see some good and bad Black police officers and some good and bad white police officers. Justice is the issue. The question is not complexion; it's direction. We need to have renewed voice on accountability for the superintendent of police and accountability for the Chicago School Board that is mired in corruption. The people overwhelmingly voted that they want an elected school board. Will we support the people's voice? I have no hopes for all of us being on the same page politically unless we're all trying to seek justice.”

Are people shifting their attitudes towards Black leaders? Has the paradigm shifted from political, legislative and social standing to standing on social change? From Selma, Ferguson, Baltimore and back to Chicago, communities are witnessing small groups of young protesters taking the neighborhood streets. These same voices have distanced themselves from the familiar faces that represent the African American community in front of the lights, cameras and in the pulpit.

Community activist and urban translator Wallace “Gator” Bradley continues to work closely with young leaders who are engaged in their neighborhoods from the streets to the schools. The generation gap has become more prevalent as baby boomer leaders are now grandparents and great grandparents.

Bradley explains, “We were young yesterday, so there is nothing new about youth activism. The difference in what I see today is that they (the youth) feel like they know more than the elders who were the youth activists years ago that brought about the changes they are enjoying. I hear a lot of them saying the older, established leadership can't tell them nothing (sic) and the older leadership saying, 'Well, we can't tell the young people anything.’ Young adults need to listen to the experienced. Older adults should never say that you can't tell them anything; it is up to the younger adults to accept what you're telling them.”

Originally published in The Chicago Defender | May 2015